Antisemitism has a peculiar ability to be condemned in principle and excused in practice. That is the paradox at the heart of American attitudes toward Jews in our latest national survey at Boundless.

Three years after the Oct. 7 attacks, we found that 64% of Americans say antisemitism has increased, and 38% attribute it to antisemitism becoming more socially acceptable. At the same time, one in five Americans believes antisemitic acts can be a legitimate form of protest in response to Israel’s conduct in Gaza. Among young adults, that rises to more than one in three.

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In short, Americans recognize antisemitism as a problem, but struggle to recognize it in practice, particularly when it is expressed in the language of political protest.

Part of the explanation lies in changing attitudes toward Israel. According to the Pew Research Center, unfavorable views of Israel have climbed from 42% in 2022 to 60% in 2026.

Americans are increasingly critical of Israel, its leaders, and its military actions. The consequences of that growing disapproval are not confined to debates about Israeli policy.

Our polling finds that Americans who view Israel unfavorably are more than twice as likely to hold unfavorable views of Jewish people overall. Worryingly, 15% of the country believes American Jews are complicit in genocide.

These findings reveal how easily political judgments can become an indictment of an entire people. Antisemitism need not announce itself through explicit declarations of hatred. It can appear in assumptions that American Jews support war, are complicit in war crimes, or are unquestioningly loyal to Israel’s leaders. When such assumptions are wrapped in the language of foreign policy and human rights, prejudice becomes easier to rationalize and harder to recognize.

So how do we close the gap between recognizing antisemitism as a problem and addressing it in practice?

First, we need to teach recognition, not merely awareness. Understanding that antisemitism is rising is important, but knowing how to identify it is essential. We need to help people see how longstanding anti-Jewish prejudices are repackaged in contemporary political arguments and social media narratives, often in language that bears little resemblance to traditional expressions of antisemitism.

Second, we need to understand the misconceptions that shape public attitudes. Our research found that nearly two-thirds of Americans have either never heard of Zionism or have heard the term without knowing what it means. Yet Zionism has become one of the most contentious words in American political discourse.

What do Americans understand when they encounter the term? Which objections concern Israeli government policies, and which reflect misconceptions about Jewish identity, history, or self-determination?

These distinctions matter. We cannot develop effective educational, policy, or legal responses without first understanding what people believe, where those beliefs come from, and how misconceptions shape their attitudes.

Third, we need to build resistance to manipulation. Conspiracy theories offer deceptively simple explanations for complicated events. They identify hidden forces, assign collective blame, and turn uncertainty into suspicion.

Rather than simply rebutting falsehoods after they spread, we should teach people to recognize the techniques behind them: selective evidence, invented conspiracies, and the leap from individual conduct to collective guilt. The goal is not merely to correct what people believe today, but to make them less susceptible to the next falsehood they encounter.

Fourth, we need to address the gaps in Americans’ understanding of Israel itself. Fewer than half of Americans know that Israel is a democracy that holds elections. Just 27% know that Arab citizens vote in those elections, and only 21% know that Arab citizens serve in Israel’s parliament.

These are basic facts about a country that occupies an extraordinary amount of space in American political debate. Given the relationship between attitudes toward Israel and attitudes toward Jews, improving public understanding of Israeli society and its democratic institutions isn’t merely an academic exercise. It is an important part of addressing the misconceptions that shape those attitudes.

Antisemitism has survived for centuries by reinventing itself. It absorbs the grievances of the moment, borrows the language of prevailing political movements, and finds new ways to make old prejudices seem reasonable. Today, it has the added advantage of an information ecosystem that rewards outrage, amplifies conspiracy theories, and discourages reflection.

There is no silver bullet against a hatred this adaptable. But condemning antisemitism in principle will accomplish little if we cannot identify it in practice. The challenge is not simply to persuade Americans that antisemitism is wrong. Most already believe that. It is to help them recognize when the prejudices they condemn are hiding in arguments they otherwise find persuasive.

Aviva Klompas is the co-founder and CEO of Boundless, a nonprofit working to combat antisemitism through research, education, and evidence-based interventions. She is also the host of the Boundless Insights podcast.