The Hamas massacre of Oct. 7, 2023, and the prolonged multifront war that ensued have caused widespread death, destruction, dislocation and physical and mental trauma affecting hundreds of thousands of Israelis. In the months that followed Oct. 7, it was Israeli civil society, with critical assistance from the global Jewish philanthropic community, that stepped in to fill the void left by a paralyzed government and meet the immediate needs of a country in crisis. Philanthropists donated equipment to troops, furnished food and shelter to displaced families and helped rehabilitate ravaged communities in the south and north of the country. The generosity of Israel’s friends abroad has been heartwarming: The Jewish Federations of North America, for example, has raised a monumental $855 million on behalf of the embattled Jewish state. The scope of this emergency aid is truly remarkable, and the people of Israel will be eternally grateful to Jews around the world for their support at this difficult hour.

The Oct. 7 tragedy must be used as an opportunity for reform, reconstruction and tikkun after the war. Yet as we look forward to the much awaited “day after,” we must recognize that Israel’s reconstruction needs are as much institutional as they are physical. Indeed, the very necessity of the vast philanthropic intervention of the past year underscores a key philanthropic priority moving forward: shoring up Israel’s fragile governing institutions. For the vast fundraising operation, the void it filled and the difficulties it encountered exposed profound weakness of Israeli governance, which are the product of serious neglect that long predates Oct. 7. In the days, weeks and months that followed that tragic day, Israelis were shocked and disappointed by the inadequate response of their own government. Many evacuees from the Gaza border communities were left in limbo, unable to access funds or temporary housing promised to them, and facing logistical delays for urgent supplies such as food, water, medication and clothing — not to mention virtually no mental health or educational support in the early days.

Getty Images

The Knesset in Jerusalem

In the months since, Israel’s men and women in uniform and their families, who have borne the brunt of the war effort, have become increasingly appalled by their government’s failure to take meaningful action to tap into the vast reserve of manpower represented by Haredi men of draft age, opting instead to extend the terms of mandatory and reserve duty of those already serving in order to fill the vastly greater needs of the Israel Defense Forces in the post-Oct. 7 security environment. Israelis are also disheartened by their government’s failure to amend the budget and slash superfluous government spending in order to help fund the war and alleviate the suffering of beleaguered taxpayers, business owners and reservists. Not to mention the incomprehensible refusal to establish a commission of inquiry, in accordance with Israeli precedent, to investigate the worst catastrophe in Jewish history since the Holocaust. Let alone the reckless attempt to overhaul Israel’s judiciary, which sent Israel into a profound constitutional, social and economic crisis in the months leading up to Oct. 7, exposed the profound weakness of Israel’s shaky constitutional foundations and tempted foreign aggression.

Much needs to be done to address these and other key failures — and civil society needs to act now to prepare the ground for reform-minded political leaders who want to hit the ground running after the war. Here are three concrete examples: First, it is critical to devise a new constitutional framework that will codify Israel’s checks and balances and secure the rights of all Israeli citizens — without such a framework, the next crisis is only a matter of time. Second, Israel urgently needs a practical plan to integrate Haredim into the IDF and workforce, or else risk becoming a shtetl economy incapable of defending itself. And third, Israel needs a comprehensive blueprint for rebuilding its hollowed-out civil service so that it may once again provide outstanding service to its citizens — and minimize the need for overreliance on philanthropy and the nonprofit sector.

If we care about Israel’s ability to survive and prosper in the long-term, we cannot make do with provision of short-term emergency relief or funds for reconstruction, as much as these are necessary; we must make sure that the Israeli state emerges stronger from this ordeal, and vastly more capable of dealing with future challenges, which will not disappear even after this war is won.

As a philanthropist, I recognize the immediate emotional satisfaction we funders derive from helping individual people, with a name and a face, in time of need. But I also recognize that given the extraordinary threats they face, the safety, freedom and wellbeing of individual Israelis is very much dependent on the quality of their government. Admittedly, long-term investments in institution-building — much like venture capital — is not for everyone. But if just 5% of the funds raised for disaster relief were to be earmarked for civil-society efforts to strengthen democratic governance in Israel, the return on investment could be enormous.

Oct. 7 was a terrible tragedy. But as we pave the path to a postwar reality, we have a historic opportunity to resume the nation-building project commenced in 1948 and build a model democracy of which we can all be proud. Strategic philanthropy has the power not only to shape Israel’s recovery in the here-and-now, but to change its trajectory for the distant future. By investing in both relief efforts and democratic resilience, we can ensure that Israel emerges from this war stronger, more unified and more capable of withstanding whatever challenges lie ahead.

Amir Elstein is chairman of the board of the Israel Democracy Institute.